Made in Greece

Ustasha chic – Croatian fascist girls

It’s been a long time since the Croatian fascists, the Ustasha. But the Ustashi spirit is very alive still today, especially among some Croatian girls. And more than one Ustasa-wannabe girl is a beautiful one. Whatever, these girls love to sport a stylish Ustasha cap – a Ustasha chic fashion trend, no less.

Ustasha chic - Croatian fascist girls

Ustasha chic - Croatian fascist girls

Ustasha chic - Croatian fascist girls

Ustasha chic - Croatian fascist girls

Ustasha chic - Croatian fascist girls

Ustasha chic - Croatian fascist girls

Ustasha chic - Croatian fascist girls

Ustasha chic - Croatian fascist girls

Ustasha chic - Croatian fascist girls

Ustasha chic - Croatian fascist girls

HRYSI AVGI 2

ΧΡΥΣΗ ΑΥΓΗ

Hrysi Avgi at the 2009 Greek national elections

Hrysi Avgi at the 2009 Euroelections

Thousands of Hrysavgites in Athens’ center

Greece 1938 – Croatia 2008





Greek Odhinn

This artpiece, which looks like Odhinn, is located at the workshop of Ioannis Papastafidas, a Greek folk artist living in the small village of Alevrou, in the region of Laconia in Southern Greece (near Sparta). Papastafidas is an obscure wood artisan who makes ξυλόγλυπτων [xyroglypton], a branch of Greek traditional folk art based on wood. All of the work of this unique craftsman is inspired by nature and the local fairy tales, and he transforms small daily objects into wood masterpieces.

Thousands of Greek National Socialists in Athens

The Greek Language’s Compoundability

The most distinctive characteristic of the Greek language is its powerful compound-constructing ability. The speaker is able to combine basic or derived terms in order to construct new, yet perfectly understandable compounds that express in one word what other languages would express in an entire clause, or even an entire sentence. This linguistic mobility is largely absent from Latin and its offspring languages.

In the Homeric language, Thetis — the mother of Achilles, is described as “δυσαριστοτόκεια”, dysaristotokeia, meaning “she, who to her own bad fortune, gave birth to the best”, in pure Modern Greek — “πικρολεβεντομάνα”, pikroleventomana. Some languages are able to express such a complex meaning naturally in one word, others have different mechanisms (see polysynthetic languages for extreme examples).

Compound constructional capability, as is found in Greek, is frequently imitated by modern languages such as French and English in order to produce monolectic compounds; this is often done by actually using Greek roots (e.g. biology < biologie < bios + logos, Micromégas < mikros + megas ) or by applying imported Greek rules to foreign words. For that reason Greek-derived words predominate in the language of science, particularly of the natural sciences, e.g. physics, chemistry, biology, geography, medicine, etc.

It has been speculated by scholars that due to this specific flexibility, Greek and German (another European language famous for its compound construction) have been the languages of philosophy, and that Plato’s ideas had pre-existed in Greek, in the same way that Meister Eckhart’s thoughts had in German.

Hitler’s speech on Greece

BERLIN, REICHSTAG – ADOLF HITLER’S SPEECH OF MAY 4, 1941

Deputies. Men of the German Reichstag:

In the meantime, however, certain difficulties had arisen. As a result, Rumania, owing to internal changes, dropped out of England’s political scheme.

In dealing with these conditions, I shall begin by giving you a brief outline of the aims of Germany’s policy in the Balkans. As in the past, the Reich never pursued any territorial or any other selfish political interest in the Balkans. In other words, the Reich has never taken the slightest interest in territorial problems and internal conditions in these States for any selfish reason whatsoever.

On the other hand, the Reich has always endeavored to build up and to strengthen close economic ties with these States in particular. This, however, not only served the interests of the Reich but equally the interests of these countries themselves.

If any two national economic systems ever effectively complemented one another, that is especially the case regarding the Balkan States and Germany. Germany is an industrial country and requires foodstuffs and raw materials. The Balkan States are agrarian countries and are short of these raw materials. At the same time, they require industrial products.

It was therefore hardly surprising when Germany thus became the main business partner of the Balkan States. Nor was this in Germany’s interest alone, but also in that of the Balkan peoples themselves.

AND NONE BUT OUR JEW-RIDDEN DEMOCRACIES, WHICH CAN THINK ONLY IN TERMS OF CAPITALISM, CAN MAINTAIN THAT IF ONE STATE DELIVERS MACHINERY TO ANOTHER STATE IT THEREBY DOMINATES THAT OTHER STATE. IN ACTUAL FACT SUCH DOMINATION, IF IT OCCURS, CAN BE ONLY A RECIPROCAL DOMINATION.

It is presumably easier to be without machinery than without food and raw materials. Consequently, the partner in need of raw material and foodstuffs would appear to be more tied down than the recipient of industrial products. IN THIS TRANSACTION THERE WAS NEITHER CONQUEROR NOR CONQUERED. THERE WERE ONLY PARTNERS.

The German Reich of the National Socialist revolution has prided itself on being a fair and decent partner, offering in exchange high-quality products instead of worthless democratic paper money. For these reasons the Reich was interested in only one thing if, indeed, there was any question of political interest, namely, in seeing that internally the business partner was firmly established on a sound and healthy basis.

THE APPLICATION OF THIS IDEA LED IN FACT NOT ONLY TO INCREASING PROSPERITY IN THESE COUNTRIES BUT ALSO TO THE BEGINNING OF MUTUAL CONFIDENCE. All the greater, however, became the endeavor of that world incendiary, Churchill, to put an end to this peaceful development and by shamelessly imposing upon these States utterly worthless British guarantees and promises of assistance to introduce into this peaceable European territory elements of unrest, uncertainty, distrust and, finally, conflict.

Originally, Rumania was first won over by these guarantees and later, of course, Greece. It has, meanwhile, probably been sufficiently demonstrated that he had absolutely no power of any kind to provide real help and that these guarantees were merely intended to rope these States in to follow the dangerous trend of filthy British politics.

RUMANIA HAS HAD TO PAY BITTERLY FOR THE GUARANTEES, WHICH WERE CALCULATED TO ESTRANGE HER FROM THE AXIS POWERS.

Greece, which least of all required such a guarantee, was offered her share to link her destiny to that of the country that provided her King with cash and orders.

EVEN TODAY I FEEL THAT I MUST, AS I BELIEVE IN THE INTEREST OF HISTORICAL ACCURACY, DISTINGUISH BETWEEN THE GREEK PEOPLE AND THAT THIN TOP LAYER OF CORRUPT LEADERS WHO, INSPIRED BY A KING WHO HAD NO EYES FOR THE DUTY OF TRUE LEADERSHIP, PREFERRED INSTEAD TO FURTHER THE AIMS OF BRITISH WAR POLITICS. To me this is a subject of profound regret.

Germany, with the faint hope of still being able to contribute in some way to a solution of the problem, had not severed relations with Greece. But even then I was bound in duty to point out before the whole world that we would not tacitly allow a revival of the old Salonika scheme of the Great War.

Unfortunately, my warning was not taken seriously enough. That we were determined, if the British tried to gain another foothold in Europe, to drive them back into the sea was not taken seriously enough.

The result was that the British began in an increasing degree to establish bases for the formation of a new Salonika army. They began by laying out airdromes and by establishing the necessary ground organization in the firm conviction that the occupation of the airdromes themselves could afterward be carried out very speedily.

Finally a continuous stream of transports brought equipment for an army which, according to Mr. Churchill’s idea and plans, was to be landed in Greece. As I have said, already we were aware of this. For months we watched this entire strange procedure with attention, if with restraint.

The reverses suffered by the Italian Army in North Africa, owing to a certain material inferiority of their tanks and anti-tank guns, finally led Mr. Churchill to believe that the time was ripe to transfer the theater of war from Libya to Greece. He ordered the transport of the remaining tanks and of the infantry division, composed mainly of Anzacs, and was convinced that he could now complete his scheme, which was to set the Balkans aflame.

THUS DID MR. CHURCHILL COMMIT ONE OF THE GREATEST STRATEGIC BLUNDERS OF THIS WAR. As soon as there could be no further doubt regarding Britain’s intentions of gaining a foothold in the Balkans, I took the necessary steps.

Germany, by keeping pace with these moves, assembled the necessary forces for the purpose of counteracting any possible tricks of that gentleman. In this connection I must state categorically that this action was not directed against Greece.

The Duce did not even request me to place one single German division at his disposal for this purpose. He was convinced that with the advent of good weather his stand against Greece would have been brought to a successful conclusion. I was of the same opinion.

The concentration of German forces was therefore not made for the purpose of assisting the Italians against Greece. It was a precautionary measure against the British attempt under cover of the clamor caused by the Italo-Greek war to intrench themselves secretly in the Balkans in order to force the issue from that quarter on the model of the Salonika army during the World War, and, above all, to draw other elements into the whirlpool.

This hope was founded principally on two States, namely, Turkey and Yugoslavia. But with these very States I have striven during the years since I came into power to establish close co-operation.

The World War actually started from Belgrade. Nevertheless, the German people, who are by nature so ready to forgive and forget, felt no animosity toward that country. Turkey was our ally in the World War. The unfortunate outcome of that struggle weighed upon that country just as heavily as it did upon us.

The great genius who created the new Turkey was the first to set a wonderful example of recovery to our allies whom fortune had at that time deserted and whom fate had dealt so terrible a blow. Whereas Turkey, thanks to the practical attitude of her leaders, preserved her independence in carrying out her own resolutions, Yugoslavia fell a victim to British intrigue.

Most of you, especially my old Party comrades among you, know what efforts I have made to establish a straightforward understanding and indeed friendly relations between Germany and Yugoslavia. In pursuance of this aim Herr von Ribbentrop, our Minister of Foreign Affairs, submitted to the Yugoslav Government proposals that were so outstanding and so fair that at least even the Yugoslav State of that time seemed to become increasingly eager for such close co-operation.

Germany had no intention of starting a war in the Balkans. On the contrary, it was our honest intention as far as possible to contribute to a settlement of the conflict with Greece by means that would be tolerable to the legitimate wishes of Italy.

The Duce not only consented to but lent his full support to our efforts to bring Yugoslavia into a close community of interests with our peace aims. Thus it finally became possible to induce the Yugoslav Government to join the Threepower Pact, which made no demands whatever on Yugoslavia but only offered that country advantages.

Thus on March 26 of this year a pact was signed in Vienna that offered the Yugoslav State the greatest future conceivable and could have assured peace for the Balkans. Believe me, gentlemen, on that day I left the beautiful city of the Danube truly happy not only because it seemed as though almost eight years of foreign policies had received their reward but also because I believed that perhaps at the last moment German intervention in the Balkans might not be necessary.

We were all stunned by the news of that coup, carried through by a handful of bribed conspirators who had brought about the event that caused the British Prime Minister to declare in joyous words that at last he had something good to report.

YOU WILL SURELY UNDERSTAND, GENTLEMEN, THAT WHEN I HEARD THIS I AT ONCE GAVE ORDERS TO ATTACK YUGOSLAVIA. To treat the, German Reich in this way is impossible. One cannot spent years in concluding a treaty that is in the interest of the other party merely to discover that this treaty has not only been broken overnight but also that it has been answered by the insulting of the representative of the German Reich, by the threatening of his military attache, by the injuring of the aide de camp of this attache, by the maltreating of numerous other Germans, by demolishing property, by laying waste the homes of German citizens and by terrorizing.

GOD KNOWS THAT I WANTED PEACE. But I can do nothing but protect the interests of the Reich with those means which, thank God, are at our disposal. I made my decision at that moment all the more calmly because I knew that I was in accord with Bulgaria, who had always remained unshaken in her loyalty to the German Reich, and with the equally justified indignation of Hungary.

Both of our old allies in the World War were bound to regard this action as a provocation emanating from the State that once before had set the whole of Europe on fire and had been guilty of the indescribable sufferings that befell Germany, Hungary, and Bulgaria in consequence.

The general directions of operations issued by me through the Supreme Command of the German forces on March 27 confronted the Army and the Air Force with a formidable task. By a mere turn of the hand an additional campaign had to be prepared. Units that had already arrived had to be moved about. Supplies of armaments had to be assured and the air force had to take over numerous improvised airports part of which were still under water.

WITHOUT THE SYMPATHETIC ASSISTANCE OF HUNGARY AND THE EXTREMELY LOYAL ATTITUDE OF RUMANIA IT WOULD HAVE BEEN VERY DIFFICULT TO CARRY OUT MY ORDERS IN THE SHORT TIME ENVISAGED.

I fixed April 6 as the day on which the attack was to begin. The main plan of operation was: First, to proceed with an army coming from Bulgaria against Thrace in Greece in the direction of the Aegean Sea.

The main striking strength of this army lay in its right wing, which was to force a passage through to Salonika by using mountain divisions and a division of tanks; second, to thrust forward with a second army with the object of establishing connection as speedily as possible with the Italian forces advancing from Albania. These two operations were to begin on April 6.

Third, a further operation, beginning on the eighth, provided for the break-through of an army from Bulgaria with the object of reaching the neighborhood of Belgrade. In conjunction with this, a German army corps was to occupy the Banat on the tenth.

In connection with these operations general agreement had been made with our allies, Italy and Hungary. Agreements as to co-operation had also been reached between the two air forces. The command of the German Armies operating against Macedonia and Greece was placed in the hands of Field Marshal von List, who had already particularly distinguished himself in the previous campaigns. Once more and under the most exacting conditions he carried out the task confronting him in truly superior fashion.

The forces advancing against Yugoslavia from the southwest and from Hungary were commanded by Col. Gen. von Weick. He, too, in a very short time with the forces under his command reached his objective.

The Army and SS detachments operating under Field Marshal von Brauchitsch, as Commander in Chief, and the Chief of the General Staff, Col. Gen. Halder, forced the Greek Army in Thrace to capitulate after only five days, established contact with the Italian forces advancing from Albania, occupied Salonika, and thus generally prepared the way for the difficult and glorious break-through via Larissa to Athens.

These operations were crowned by the occupation of the Peloponnesus and numerous Greek islands. A detailed appreciation of the achievements will be given by the German High Command.

The Air Force under the personal command of Reich Marshal Goering was divided into two main groups, commanded by Col. Gen. Loehr and General von Richthofen. It was their task, first, to shatter the enemy air force and to smash its ground organization; second, to attack every important military objective in the conspirators’ headquarters at Belgrade, thus eliminating it from the very outset; third, by every manner of active co-operation everywhere with the fighting German troops to break the enemy’s resistance, to impede the enemy’s flight, to prevent as far as possible his embarkation.

The German armed forces have truly surpassed themselves in this campaign. There is only one way of characterizing that campaign: Nothing is impossible for the German soldier.

Historical justice, however, obliges me to say that of the opponents that have taken up arms against us, MOST PARTICULARLY THE GREEK SOLDIERS, HAVE FOUGHT WITH THE GREATEST BRAVERY AND CONTEMPT OF DEATH. They only capitulated when further resistance became impossible and therefore useless.

But I am now compelled to speak of the enemy who is the main cause of this conflict. As a German and as a soldier I consider it unworthy ever to revile a fallen enemy. But it seems to me to be necessary to defend the truth from the wild exaggerations of a man who as a soldier is a bad politician and as a politician is an equally bad soldier.

Mr. Churchill, who started this struggle, is endeavoring, as with regard to Norway or Dunkerque, to say something that sooner or later might perhaps he twisted around to resemble success. I do not consider that honorable but in his case it is understandable.

The gift Mr. Churchill possesses is the gift to lie with a pious expression on his face and to distort the truth until finally glorious victories are made out of the most terrible defeats.

Hrysi Avgi’s 2008 commemoration of Thermopylae

Demetra Messala

Demetra Messala was a Greek woman, married to Arno Breker, one of the most famous sculptors of the XX century and best known for being the favourite sculptor of Adolf Hitler and Albert Speer and for his prolific career during National Socialist Germany.

Breker first met Demetra Messala in Paris, which at that time was the “center of modern sculpture”. There Breker not only had the opportunity to meet a number of extraordinary individuals including Jean Cocteau and Alfred Flechtheim, among others, but also his future wife, of whom he would make a sculpture in 1933. Demetra, the daughter of a Greek diplomat in Paris, had been a model who used to pose for prominent artists such as Picasso and Aristide Maillol – the latter would later describe Breker as “Germany’s Michelangelo”.

Later on, Demetra Messala stopped her model career to pursue a career as an art merchant. In 1934, Messala and Breker moved to Germany, where the latter would eventually become the Nazis’ favourite sculptor, as his works represented the antithesis of so-called “degenerate art”.

Before gaining the affection of Hitler, however, Breker had to undergo adversities, as it was difficult for him to gain a foothold in the Reich’s capital city under the new conditions which existed there. After 7 years abroad, Breker was called “the Frenchman” and was looked down as non-meritory. Adversities included paradoxes such as being accused by Alfred Rosenberg (the editor of the Nazi newspaper Völkischer Beobachter) of being a degenerate artist (!), or his wife Demetra being suspected of being Jewish (!). Despite these handicaps, because Demetra Messala had by then become a succesful international art dealer and because she belonged to a Greek well-to-do family, the couple had little financial concerns.

From 1936 onwards, the situation improved as Breker and Messala began to enjoy the privileges of being affiliates of top Nazi leaders. Breker was appointed professor of sculpture at the College for Educational Arts in Berlin, and the couple lived comfortably in a large house 75 km East of Berlin. They attended the most exclusive events in Nazi Germany, and were seen in intimate company of Hitler at his private parties in a number of occasions, including at Hitler’s hideout in Berchtesgaden.

However, things would be slighlty different after the Nazi defeat in 1945. After the German downfall, the Americans identified Arno and Demetra, but were not prosecuted heavily. They only intended to let the denazification board examine thier record and determine their fate. The Americans merely kept an eye on them and helped them move north to the town of Wemding near Nördlingen in October 1945. They were given a thirteen-room house, a luxury at a time when space was extremely precious. Demetra Messala was also able to purcahse an automobile, a really prized object in the Allies-occupied Germany. Later on, in a June 1946 letter, Messala would defend the acquisition as being “for the procurement of materials, like plaster, clay, stone samples, and tools”.

In any case, in an area flooded with homeless refugees, Arno and Demetra enjoyed privileged provisions, and in fact Breker’s work was mostly not interrumped through the culmination of the war and the ensuing persecution of former Nazi firstliners.

Demetra Messala would die in a car accident in 1956, but his husband would not die until 1991, at age 91. Despite being stigmatized for his public works in the Nazi regime, he never stopped getting work requests. In 1978, Breker was elected by the Greek government to produce a 10-meters tall sculpture of Alexander the Great, intended to be located in Greece, the country that inspired his art.

BBBB

The BBBB is the acronym of the Greek Empire of the Middle Ages, most known by the name Byzantine Empire or, among Western Europeans, as “Imperium Graecorum” (“Empire of the Greeks”). Spanning from year 395, when the old Roman Empire was split into a Western (Latin) Roman Empire and a Eastern (Greek) Roman Empire, until 1453, when the Byzantine Empire’s capital city Constantinople fell to the Ottoman Empire, the Greek Medieval Empire was the most lasting empire in Europe ever, even more than the original Roman Empire or the Holy Roman Empire (which lasted from year 962 to 1806).

The four B’s at BBBB stand for the Byzantine Imperial motto, “Basileus Basileon, Basileuon Basileuonton”, which in Greek means “King of Kings, ruling over Kingdoms”.

Serbians, who for their most part of the Middle Ages were part of the Byzantine Empire, have a similar acronym in their national shield, CCCC. In the Serbian case, the four C’s stand for “Samo Sloga Srbina Spasava” (“Only Unity Saves the Serbs”). As in the Greek case, every word of the phrase begins with a “S” letter, which in Cyrillic characters is written as a “C” (source).

Interview with a Greek volunteer of the Bosnian wars

From April of 1992 when the war began in the formerly united Yugoslavia until November of 1995 when it ended, a considerable amount of Greeks between 18 to 35 years of age took part in it as volunteers within the ranks of the Bosnian Serb army.

Some were wounded, some were ignored by luck. Inside the book “The Journey of a Volunteer” by Kiriakos Katharios will appear some addressed with their first names.

The book does not have the aim to heroize all of these youths.

However, it is certain that in this Greece, the Greece of loaned luxury and historical amnesia, existed a few Greeks that walked against the current, who by surpassing themselves also surpassed the soul of this Greece, who were killed and wounded, who the world talked about, whose free flight embodied the idea of strong patriotism and free boldness.

About these Greeks you will read, with their weaknesses and their virtues, their thoughts and ideas, the Greek volunteers.

One of these is Kiriakos Katharios, author of the book “The Journey of the Volunteer” (published by Pelasgos) in which he described his memories from his participation in the war of Serbia. Let’s see what he said the past Wednesday to “Eleftheros Kosmos”:

Mr. Katharios, what made you abandon your family in Greece and go to Bosnia to help the Serbs?

That I believed that this was how I was helping my country. I didn’t say anything to my parents, they didn’t know. When they found out, they were shocked.

Do you regret today for that action?

Never, my friend, I never regretted it.

In Bosnia did you participate in war operations?

In major war operations, no. I was on the border and our work was to control our sector. We made patrols, we enterted Muslim territory. I didn’t participate in a major battle, only in psychological operations which were going on pretty much daily.

The Humanists and Billards

Was your unit only Greeks or were there also other nationalities?

Greeks were scattered in various regions. In my unit we were only two Greeks.

Generally, what was the action of Greek nationalists in Bosnia? Did Greeks engage in martial activities?

Firstly, I must tell you about my ideology. It’s not what they call right or far-right and so on. Therefore, I don’t know if your question about “Greek nationalists” conveys the ideology of those who went to Bosnia. Because each person went there for his own reasons and I can’t speak on behalf of everyone. Regarding the other, yes: There were Greeks who engaged in martial activities. In the book I describe a battle that happened, it’s the only recorded battle. Naturally, there were others which haven’t been recorded.

Because some sly individuals, Mr. Katharios, claim that you were playing billiards in Bosnia and now masquerade as old warhorse veterans.

Those who say that we were playing billiards should have been there so that we could have played billiards.

With your truly readable and revealing book, what exactly do you want to achieve? Why do you publicize your experiences?

So this history doesn’t remain forgotten, too; so it’s not lost. So that it appears that at one time, some Greeks went over there. So that a deposit is left to future generations, on how when people are bold and want something, they can achieve it. As long as they love their country.

They defame us and place our lives in danger

Did you have anything to do with the famous “massacre of Srebrenica”?

No, none.

Because some “humanistic” organizations and individuals like Andreas Andrianopoulos try to criminalize the action of Greek comrades in Bosnia. What do you have to say to them?

I must tell you that all of them lie brazenly. There is no evidence against the Greeks. Not even the Muslim government has said the smallest thing about the allegedly criminal actions of Greeks. The people you speak of have created this story by themselves, for their own reasons. Therefore, we must examine their motives…

Agreed. What is your opinion about the “Massacre of Srebrenica”?

As presented in the press, the “Massacre of Srebrenica” is a lie. I will tell you following: The history of the raising of the Greek Flag at Srebrenica I gave myself to the press, in the summer of 1995.

For what reason did you give it?

The guys called me, they told me and we arranged to give it to the press, without the existence of some particular reason. Indeed, the individuals who exposed this fact were such great war criminals that they gave their names. Ironically, I say this, right? I gave the names to “Ethnos”, the newspaper.

Basically you think that nothing will finally happen with all of this story to criminalize the action of the Greeks who fought in Bosnia?

Naturally! Be certain of the fact that if these gentlemen had the slightest evidence against us, presently we would have problems. But I ask you this: Will there be a prosecutor that will take action against them? Because they slander Greek citizens and place their lives in danger. Shouldn’t there exist a prosecutor to chase away these gentlemen?

Regarding the arrests of Serbian Nationalists that are accused of committing genocides against Muslims, what do you have to tell us? Some of them have been convicted of the heaviest sentences.

I want to tell you something: There exists a systematic campaign of calumny against the Serbs in general. Yes, there were Greeks that were involved in battles. I don’t know what Karadzic and Mladic did, so let’s leave them out of this. We’re talking about the low ranking officials, which have been arrested. I don’t know how much these people could be criminals. With the same logic for the arrests of Karadzic and Mladic, Tudjman and Izetbegovic and all of them should have been arrested. However, this did not happen. I will tell you something though: Naser Oric, commander of Muslim forces in Srebrenica, was accussed of war crimes which he indeed committed. They arrested him, put him on trial, and he was freed after several months. This says everything.

Mr. Katharios, we thank you warmly for everything you’ve told us.

And I thank you. Friend, I want to add the following: In the presentation that you will make in the newspaper, I want you to write what I said, to convey what I said with precision; don’t write whatever you want…

We promise, mr. Katharios, that we will record it word for word.

Websites on the Waffen-SS

Websites about European volunteers to the Waffen-SS by nationality: